Keita and Kittles (1997); Keita (2005); Keita, "Further studies of crania"; Hiernaux J. In 1951 he registered a second thesis title "Who were the pre-dynastic Egyptians" under Professor Marcel Griaule. Senegalese politician, historian and scientist (1923-1986), Critique of previous scholarship on Africa, Physical variability of the African people, Cultural unity of African peoples as part of a southern cradle, Diop's thought and criticism of modern racial clustering, Diop and the arbitrary sorting of categories, Diop and criticism of the Saharan barrier thesis, Diop and criticism of true Negro classification schemes, Diop and criticism of mixed-race theories, Molefi Kete Asante, "Cheikh Anta Diop: An Intellectual Portrait" (Univ of Sankore Press: December 30, 2007). Favorites. Égyptien ancien et négro-africain, Cahiers Ferdinand de Saussure, No. Selectively lumping such peoples into arbitrary Mediterranean, Middle Eastern or Caucasoid categories because they do not meet the narrow definition of a "true" type, or selectively defining certain traits like aquiline features as Eurasian or Caucasoid, ignores the complexity of the DNA data on the ground. cit. [76] Diop devoted most of his study to the structural resemblances between one modern African language, Wolof, and Ancient Egyptian,[77] adding some references to other modern languages. Cheikh Anta Diop (ed.) Idea of peace, justice, goodness and optimism. Diop contributed an article to the journal: "Quand pourra-t-on parler d'une renaissance africaine" (When we will be able to speak of an African Renaissance?). See more of Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar on Facebook. Diop focuses on Africa, not Greece. Frank Yurco, "An Egyptological Review", 1996, in Mary R. Lefkowitz and Guy MacLean Rogers. There is a contradiction here: all the anthropologists agree in stressing the sizable proportion of the Negroid element—almost a third and sometimes more—in the ethnic [i.e. Diop's family was part of the Mouride brotherhood, the only independent Muslim fraternity in Africa according to Diop. [82] Diop's own Wolof studies were examined by Russell Schuh, a specialist in the Chadic languages, who found little resemblance or connection between many of the Wolof etymologies cited by Diop and Egyptian, of the type that are found when comparing Wolof to a know related language like Fula. Oliver, Roland, and Brian M. Fagan (1975). 76-8 and in General Discussion pp. Tugdual Denis VP Sales chez bakerly Miami-Fort Lauderdale Area. "Our Sacred Mission", speech at the Empire State Black Arts and Cultural Festival in Albany, New York, July 20, 1991. Hamito-Semitic". Publication date 1984 Usage Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Topics kemet,uhem mesut,cheikh anta diop Language French. [5][6], Diop's works have been criticized as revisionist and pseudohistorical. "[69], The 1957 and 1966 editions of Seligman's "Races of Africa" retained this statement, and many anthropologists accepted the Hamitic hypothesis into the 1960s. Born in Thieytou, Diourbel Region, French Senegal, Diop was born to an aristocratic Muslim Wolof family in Senegal where he was educated in a traditional Islamic school. He did not publish his work in subject-specific journals with an independent editorial board that practiced the system of peer review. These concepts are laid out in Diop's Towards the African Renaissance: Essays in Culture and Development, 1946–1960,[63] and The Cultural Unity of Black Africa: The Domains of Patriarchy and of Matriarchy in Classical Antiquity,,[64][65] These concepts can be summarized as follows: Zones of Confluence: Meeting or mingling area for the two cradles above, Most anthropologists see commonalities in African culture but only in a very broad, generic sense, intimately linked with economic systems, etc. [34] Diop also wrote a chapter entitled "Origin of the ancient Egyptians", in the UNESCO General History of Africa. [17] He singled out the contradiction of "the African historian who evades the problem of Egypt". [104] Santiago Juan-Navarro a professor at Florida International University has described Diop as having "undertaken the task of supporting this Afrocentric view of history from an equally radical and 'mythic' point of view". Afrique de Cheikh Anta Diop. 8-12. He alleged his critics were using the narrowest possible definition of "Blacks" in order to differentiate various African groups such as Nubians into a European or Caucasoid racial zone. Seligman's Hamitic hypothesis stated that: "... the civilizations of Africa are the civilizations of the Hamites, its history the record of these peoples and of their interaction with the two other African stocks, the Negro and the Bushman, whether this influence was exerted by highly civilized Egyptians or…pastoralists ...The incoming Hamites were pastoral 'Europeans'-arriving wave after wave – better armed as well as quicker witted than the dark agricultural Negroes. [89] Tourneux notes that Diop accused previous linguists of being unscientific and obscuring the truth. "[21] Diop was highly critical of "the most brilliant pseudo-revolutionary eloquence that ignores the need" for rebuilding the African national consciousness "which must be met if our people are to be reborn culturally and politically. Adhérez a notre projet éducatif! [35] However, Diop's contribution was subject to the editorial comment that "The arguments put forward in this chapter have not been accepted by all the experts interested in the problem". 65–92. Diop was subsequently arrested and thrown in jail where he nearly died. In protest at the refusal of the Senghor administration to release political prisoners, Diop remained largely absent from the political scene from 1966 to 1975. Diop said that he "acquired proficiency in such diverse disciplines as rationalism, dialectics, modern scientific techniques, prehistoric archeology and so on." There is a contradiction here: all the anthropologists agree in stressing the sizable proportion of the Negroid element—almost a third and sometimes more—in the ethnic [i.e. [47], It is held by Keita et al. that when the data are looked at in toto, without the clustering manipulation and selective exclusions above, then a more accurate and realistic picture emerges of African diversity. Defenders maintain that Diop's critics routinely misrepresent his views, typically defining negroes as a 'true' type south of the Sahara to cast doubt on his work,[88] Questions such as "Were the ancient Egyptians black?" 531-32. 5 out of 5 stars. Frank M. Snowden, Jr., "Bernal's 'Blacks', Herodotus, and the other classical evidence". Studies of some inhabitants of Gurna, a population with an ancient cultural history, in Upper Egypt, illustrate the point. On a bigger scale, the debate reflects the growing movement to minimize race as a biological construct in analyzing the origins of human populations. Though Diop is sometimes referred to as an Afrocentrist, he predates the concept and thus was not himself an Afrocentric scholar. La conférence de Cheikh Anta Diop à Niamey (partie 4) by Kheperu n Kemet. However, from the 1930s archaeologists and historians re-discovered such past African achievements as Great Zimbabwe, and from the 1940s linguists started to demonstrate the flaws in the hypothesis. In 1949, Diop registered a proposed title for a Doctor of Letters thesis, "The Cultural Future of African thought," under the direction of Professor Gaston Bachelard. Diop, Cheik Anta. A majority of academics disavow the term black for the Egyptians, but there is no consensus on substitute terminology. Diop Cheikh A K Hélène Cattey Two new dialkyammonium selenate salts [i-Pr2NH2]2[SeO4] (1) and [n-Bu2NH2][HSeO4] (2) have been isolated and characterized by single-crystal X-ray diffraction. Diop strongly refused to enter into any negotiations until two conditions were met. 7 February 1986. Instead he views the Greeks as forming part of a "northern cradle", distinctively growing out of certain climatic and cultural conditions. View Pape Mor’s full profile See who you know in common Get introduced Contact Pape Mor directly Join to view full profile Others named Pape Mor Diop. It gained a much wider audience for his work. It could seem to tempting to delude the masses engaged in a struggle for national independence by taking liberties with scientific truth, by unveiling a mythical, embellished past. Reproduction Date: Cheikh Anta Diop (29 December 1923 – 7 February 1986) was a Afrocentric[1] historian, anthropologist, physicist, and politician who studied the human race's origins and pre-colonial African culture. Pape Mor Diop. As one scholar at the 1974 symposium put it:[56]. Obenga, Théophile. [62] Greenberg’s complete reclassification of the non-intrusive languages of Africa into four families and many sub-families placed Wolof in the West Atlantic sub-family of the Niger-Congo languages family,[63][64] and he rejected earlier attempts to argue that the languages of negro Africa comprise a genetic unity and derived from dialects spoken around Egypt from 1000 B.C. [26] However, Diop's contribution was subject to the editorial comment that "The arguments put forward in this chapter have not been accepted by all the experts interested in the problem". Log In. He held that this was both hypocrisy and bad scholarship, that ignored the wide range of indigenous variability of African peoples.[35]. Robert O. Collins, a former historical professor at University of California, Santa Barbara, and James M. Burns, a professor in history at Clemson University, have both referred to Diop's writings of Ancient Egypt and his theories, entailing to it as "revisionist".          Political / Social. From 1956, he taught physics and chemistry in two Paris lycees as an assistant master, before moving to the College de France. Théophile Obenga used this method to distinguish Berber from other African members of Greenberg’s Afroasiatic family, particularly Egyptian and Coptic. Ngom, Gilbert. Symposium on the Peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of the Meroitic Script; Proceedings, pp. [15] In his 1954 thesis, Diop argued that ancient Egypt had been populated by Black people. He held that this was both hypocrisy and bad scholarship, that ignored the wide range of indigenous variability of African peoples. However, from the 1930s archaeologists and historians re-discovered such past African achievements as Great Zimbabwe, and from the 1940s linguists started to demonstrate the flaws in the hypothesis. His interpretation of anthropological data (such as the role of matriarchy) and archeological data led him to conclude that Egyptian culture was a Black African culture. [35] Critics of this study in turn hold that it achieves its results by manipulation of data clusters and analysis categories, casting a wide net to achieve generic, general statistical similarities with populations such as Europeans and Indians. (1986-02-07) (aged 62) Dakar, Senegal. Danielle Maurice, "Le musée vivant et le centenaire de l’abolition de l’esclavage: pour une reconnaissance des cultures africaines". Similarly, the Dynastic Race Theory of Egypt asserted that a mass migration of Caucasoid peoples was needed to create the Egyptian kingships, as slower-witted Negro tribes were incapable. He holds that the range of peoples and phenotypes under the designation "negre" included those with a wide range of physical variability, from light brown skin and aquiline noses to jet black skin and frizzy hair, well within the diversity of peoples of the Nilotic region. No places to show. F. J. Yurco, "Were the ancient Egyptians black or white?". Jamono Fk-Sine. Many cultures the world over show similar developments and a mixture of traits. [59] He rejected early 20th century theories that confused race and language, such as those advanced by the linguist Carl Meinhof and the anthropologist Charles Gabriel Seligman. Variation need not be the result of a "mix" from categories such as Negroid or Caucasoid, but may be simply a contiuum of peoples in that region from skin color, to facial features, to hair, to height. Diop insisted on a broad interpretation similar to that used in classifying European populations as white. 5. ( Traduite en français par M . 79–104 in Fauvelle-Aymar, François-Xavier, Chrétien, Jean-Pierre and, Perrot Claude-Hélène (eds). Diop's work was greatly controversial during his lifetime and has been criticized by a number of scholars. [7] Toyin Falola has called Diop's work "passionate, combative, and revisionist". [96] Modern critics of the racial clustering approach coming after Diop echo this objection, using data from the oldest Nile Valley groupings as well as current peoples. More contemporary critics assert that notions of the Sahara as a dominant barrier in isolating sub-Saharan populations are both flawed and simplistic in broad historical context, given the constant movement of people over time, the fluctuations of climate over time (the Sahara was once very fertile), and the substantial representation of "sub Saharan" traits in the Nile Valley among people like the Badari.[103][104]. They hold that such splitting is arbitrary insertion of data into pre-determined pigeonholes and the selective grouping of samples. In a 2004 study, 58 native inhabitants from upper Egypt were sampled for mtDNA. This is considered to be an indigenous development based on microevolutionary principles (climate adaptation, drift and selection) and not the movement of large numbers of outside peoples into Egypt.[97]. [36] Based on Coon's work, the Hamitic Hypothesis held that most advanced progress or cultural development in Africa was due to the invasions of mysterious Caucasoid Hamites. cit. [33] His forceful assertions that the original population of the Nile Delta was black and that Egyptians remained black-skinned until Egypt lost its independence, "was criticized by many participants". This research has examined the ancient Badarian group, finding not only cultural and material linkages with those further south but physical correlations as well, including a southern modal cranial metric phentoype indicative of the Tropical African in the well-known Badarian group. 80-82. Ryan A. He claimed this put African historical linguistics on a secure basis for the first time. [19], In 1960, upon his return to Senegal, he continued what would be a lifelong political struggle. He proposed that African culture should be rebuilt on the basis of ancient Egypt, in the same way that European culture was built upon the legacies of ancient Greece and Rome. At a UNESCO colloquium in Athens in 1981, he asserted: "I don't like to use the notion of race (which does not exist)... We must not attach an obsessional importance to it. APAM had been set up in 1936 by people on the political left wing to bring culture to wider audiences. One of Diop's most controversial issues centers on the definition of who is a true Black person. Mixed-race theories have also been challenged by contemporary scholars in relation to African genetic diversity. Get Directions. The party was shortly thereafter banned for opposing Senghor's efforts to consolidate power in his own hands. [38] Diop always maintained that Somalians, Nubians, Ethiopians and Egyptians were all part of a related range of African peoples in the Nilotic zone that also included peoples of the Sudan and parts of the Sahara. These researchers hold that they too often rely on a stereotypical conception of pure or distinct races that then go on to intermingle. United … Nevertheless, it awarded Diop and similar scholars credit for posing these problems. [7], In 1974, Diop was one of about 20 participants in a UNESCO symposium in Cairo, where he presented his theories to specialists in Egyptology. Histoire universelle de Diodore de Sicile . Crowd sourced content that is contributed to World Heritage Encyclopedia is peer reviewed and edited by our editorial staff to ensure quality scholarly research articles. (1975). 27 (1970–1972), pp. The peoples of Egypt, the Sudan, and much of East African Ethiopia and Somalia are now generally regarded as a Nilotic continuity, with widely ranging physical features (complexions light to dark, various hair and craniofacial types) but with powerful common cultural traits, including cattle pastoralist traditions (Trigger 1978; Bard, Snowden, this volume). Find more … Diop attempted to demonstrate that the African peoples shared certain commonalities, including language roots and other cultural elements like regicide, circumcision, totems, etc. A series of books on ancient Egypt, published in 2004, found that there is little basis for positing a close connection between Dynastic Egypt and the African interior. [79], The 1957 and 1966 editions of Seligman’s “Races of Africa” retained this statement, and many anthropologists accepted the Hamitic hypothesis into the 1960s. "[16] Diop was highly critical of "the most brilliant pseudo-revolutionary eloquence that ignores the need" for rebuilding the African national consciousness "which must be met if our people are to be reborn culturally and politically. [103] Toyin Falola has mentioned how Diop's work has been "passionate, combative, and revisionist". What if an African ethnologist were to persist in recognizing as white-only the blond, blue-eyed Scandinavians, and systematically refused membership to the remaining Europeans, and Mediterraneans in particular—the French, Italians, Greek, Spanish, and Portuguese? Diop took an innovative approach in his linguistic researches published in 1977, outlining his hypothesis of the unity of indigenous African languages beginning with the Ancient Egyptian language. Schuh (1997), "The use and misuse of language in the study of African history", pp. [32], The Swiss archaeologist Charles Bonnet's discoveries at the site of Kerma shed some light on the theories of Diop. Gentle, idealistic, peaceful nature with a spirit of justice. Diop, inspired by the efforts of Aimé Césaire toward these ends, but not being a literary man himself, took up the call to rebuild the African personality from a strictly scientific, socio-historical perspective. The special edition of the journal was on the occasion of the centenary of the abolition of slavery in the French colonies and aimed to present an overview of issues in contemporary African culture and society. [88], The linguistic research of Diop and his school have been criticised by Henry Tourneux, a linguist specialising in the Fula language. [37] A 2004 review of DNA research in African Archaeological Review supports some of Diop's criticisms. Diop showed above all that European archaeologists before and after the decolonization had understated and continued to understate the extent and possibility of Black civilizations. In 1946, at the age of 23, Diop went to Paris to study. Partageons nos connaissances pour la propagation de la Pensée de Cheikh Anta Diop pour l'unité et le Développement de l'Afrique. Leiberman and Jackson 1995 "Race and Three Models of Human Origins". [39] He suggests that the peoples of the Nile Valley were one regionalized population, sharing a number of genetic and cultural traits. Obenga, Théophile. One approach that has bridged the gap between Diop and his critics is the non-racial bio-evolutionary approach. Ancient Egyptian and the négro-africain languages such as Wolof are related, but any common origin may be very remote and their relation may not be close. cit. Diop's own Wolof studies were examined by Russell Schuh, a specialist in the Chadic languages, who found little resemblance or connection between many of the Wolof etymologies cited by Diop and Egyptian, of the type that are found when comparing Wolof to a known related language like Fula. "The Earliest Semitic Society: Linguistic Data", Interview conducted by Charles Finch III in Dakar on behalf of the. "Apportionment of Racial Diversity"; Keita and Kittles, "The Persistence...", op. He was keenly aware of the difficulties that such a scientific effort would entail and warned that "It was particularly necessary to avoid the pitfall of facility. IÉSEG School of Management, Lille - Paris, France. This seemed to apply in matters both of evolution and gene pool makeup. Diop supported his arguments with references to ancient authors such as Herodotus and Strabo. He also stated that opponents were hypocritical in stating that the race of Egyptians was not important to define, but they did not hesitate to introduce race under new guises. [22], In 1960, upon his return to Senegal, he continued what would be a lifelong political struggle. Many academics reject the term black, however, or use it exclusively in the sense of a sub-Saharan type. Occupation. In summary, modern anthropological and DNA scholarship repeats and confirms many of the criticisms made by Diop as regards to arbitrary classifications and splitting of African peoples, and confirms the genetic linkages of Nile Valley peoples with other African groups, including East Africa, the Sahara, and the Sudan. John G. Jackson and Runoko Rashidi, Introduction To African Civilizations (Citadel: 2001), ISBN 0-8065-2189-9, pp. For instance, Diop suggested that the uses of terminology like "Mediterranean" or "Middle Eastern", or statistically classifying all who did not meet the "true" Black stereotype as some other race, were all attempts to use race to differentiate among African peoples. ( 1738 ) . [83] He concluded that Diop had assumed Egyptian and Wolof were related and then looked for ways to connect their features, disregarding evidence from other languages which might cast doubt on the resemblances claimed. Il est actuellement Directeur des études de l’Institut de Population (IPDSR). S. O. Y. Keita, "Early Nile Valley Farmers, From El-Badari, Aboriginals or 'European' Agro-Nostratic Immigrants? Those who have followed us in our efforts for more than 20 years know now that this was not the case and that this fear remained unfounded. Sports Teams. [57] Some modern studies use DNA to define racial classifications, while others condemn this practice as selective filling of pre-defined, stereotypical categories.[58]. UNESCO, (1978), Symposium on the Peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of the Meroitic Script; Proceedings, pp. He completed his thesis on pre-dynastic Egypt in 1954 but could not find a jury of examiners for it: he later published many of his ideas as the book Nations nègres et culture. [citation needed], The Swiss archaeologist Charles Bonnet's discoveries at the site of Kerma shed some light on the theories of Diop. Perhaps Diop's most notable idea is his insistence in placing Nile Valley peoples in their local and African context, drawing a picture of a stable, ancient population deriving much of its genetic inheritance from that context, as opposed to attempts to split, cluster, subdivide, define and regroup them into other contexts. College & … Symposium on the Peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of the Meroitic Script; Proceedings, pp. No videos yet! [93][94], Diop's fundamental criticism of scholarship on the African peoples was that classification schemes pigeonholed them into categories defined as narrowly as possible, while expanding definitions of Caucasoid groupings as broadly as possible. Diop focuses on Africa, not Greece. Dakar-Fann (6,023.57 mi) Dakar, Senegal . [30] He suggests that the peoples of the Nile Valley were one regionalized population, sharing a number of genetic and cultural traits.[31]. Diop, Cheik Anta (1973), in Preface (pp. Barbujani, et al., "Patterns of Human Diversity, within and among Continents, Inferred from Biallelic DNA Polymorphisms". Keita and Kittles (1999) argue that modern DNA analysis points to the need for more emphasis on clinal variation and gradations that are more than adequate to explain differences between peoples rather than pre-conceived racial clusters. Research in this area challenges the groupings used as (a) not reflecting today's genetic diversity in Africa, or (b) an inconsistent way to determine the racial characteristics of the Ancient Egyptians. Théophile Obenga used this method to distinguish Berber from other African members of Greenberg's Afroasiatic family, particularly Egyptian and Coptic.

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